Editor’s note: this is a distillation, prepared in op-ed form, of one of our monthly investigations. You can find the full article here.
The credibility of the Guatemalan Army is at risk due to arbitrary decisions by the Bernardo Arévalo administration. Chief among these are the failure to appoint a new defense minister and the shifting of purchases and projects to the military without public justification or competitive procedures. This departure from the rule of law has undermined the Army’s ability to fulfill its mission.
On September 15, during the 204th independence anniversary, President Arévalo proclaimed Guatemala’s pursuit of freedom and rejected corruption. His words sound good, but his actions tell another story.
Arévalo has retained Defense Minister Henry Sáenz despite a legal mandate requiring officers to retire after 33 years of active service. The breach reached the Constitutional Court via an injunction filed by an active-duty soldier and remains unresolved. Among mid-level officers, discontent is growing over: (1) the minister’s tenure and (2) alleged procurement irregularities that strain honor codes and proper procedures.
The Army ranks as the second most trusted institution in Guatemala, behind the Catholic Church. On that basis, the executive has expanded the Army’s role in public works. The Army Corps of Engineers (CIE), for example, took on the Puerto Quetzal expansion, which ordinarily belongs to the Ministry of Communications, Infrastructure, and Housing. The 2025 budget added US$50 million for military and CIE equipment.
Not all procurement from this budget increase specifies what is being bought, from whom, and for how much. One case that has set off alarms is the acquisition of wildfire-fighting aircraft. In December 2024, the government announced the purchase of five AT-802F aircraft.
To date, there is no traceability in Guatecompras. However, internal documents from the Defense Ministry (MINDEF) show that on January 10, 2025, the Air Force processed a Letter of Request for direct sales of three (not five) Thrush 710 aircraft.
The Air Force changed the aircraft’s quantity and model, as well as the procurement regime, with no public explanation. Without a published statement of need and technical comparisons, it is difficult to assess the suitability and pricing.
A retired officer asserts:
“One of such aircraft costs around $1.8–2 million, so three would total $5.4–6 million … Guatemala is willing to pay almost $12 million in total … That is overpricing, and neither training nor additional spares justify such an increase … The stated justification of fire extinguishing and seed spread lacks logic. The real intention of this acquisition appears to be enabling illicit activities by overseeing and taking care of crops associated with drug trafficking. This is an evident case of embezzlement and power abuse that demands an exhaustive investigation so those responsible face justice.”
These allegations can only be dispelled with open files.
The same pattern appears in CIE machinery purchases. The largest award in 2025 ($18.9 million)—meant to buy excavators, backhoes, motor graders, compactors, trucks, and water tankers—lacked a clear published purpose. There were five objections, and MINDEF rejected them all. The main beneficiary, Class Equipos y Construcciones, has accumulated $26.9 million in awards during 2025 across municipalities and MINDEF. This raises alarms about supplier concentration and potential conflicts of interest.
Adding to this is a direct purchase in May totaling $10.2 million for ammunition, night-vision devices, radios, and tactical gear, justified under a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between MINDEF and Israel’s Ministry of Defense. An MoU is nonbinding, and it does not eliminate the tender obligation.
The problem goes beyond finances. In the Army’s hierarchy, internal morale maintains decorum. If the military leadership issues rule-breaking orders, discipline erodes and willingness to report abuse declines. The institution then weakens over time, unless there is a course correction from dissatisfied mid-level ranks.
Active-duty officers have voiced their displeasure, some organized under the slogan “Nada con Bernardo” (Nothing with Bernardo). Others have signed an open letter urging the minister’s replacement to reverse departmental politicization.
If Arévalo is committed to democratic and transparent processes, he must follow due process and comply with the law. That includes appointing a new defense minister, openly justifying MINDEF’s budget increases, and requiring audits and publication of the 2025 tenders. Far from punishing the Army, these actions would secure its credibility and protect the officers and suppliers who act properly.
