In an article published by the Atlantic magazine, journalist Alexia Fernández Campbell alleges that Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto has invited presidential candidate Donald J. Trump to a meeting this week “because he fears a Trump Presidency.”
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When one country sends an ambassador to another, it is first and last a recognition of sovereignty.
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Three former Obama Secretaries of Defense have recently expressed grave concern that a widespread bias in the nation’s culture has penetrated the Oval Office: the United States now has a commander-in-chief who roundly dislikes the military.
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How would it be if John F. Kennedy, or his advisors, had decided that the interests of global order were better served by dismissing photographic evidence of Soviet missile emplacements on the island of Cuba — and had made that dismissal the starting-point of a US policy?
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On March 29, US Secretary of State John Kerry, in a State Department ceremony, conferred one of its International Women of Courage awards on Guatemala’s attorney general, Thelma Aldana.
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More than a year after resigning as secretary of state, Hillary Clinton telephoned the president of Guatemala and urged him to reappoint a cabinet official who the country’s legally established nominating commission had voted down.
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A number of US observers, including retired military and intelligence officers, have raised the question. They assert that Obama’s policy — carried out by the US embassy, by two secretaries of state, and by the first lady herself — embodies the crime of treason.
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In case you didn’t know, Guatemala went through a wrenching year in 2015. Its leaders were deposed and imprisoned on corruption charges. As the Organization of American States and others clearly saw, the literal decapitation of society was part of an attempt to cancel the country’s elections.
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Under pressure from the Barack Obama administration, it will re-start the trial of former President Efraín Ríos Montt, and thereby attempt to blame the country’s misfortunes on a non-existent genocide.
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All corruption, as Julius Caesar could have written, is divided into three parts. The first of these is the corruption itself, while the other two are the possible ways of redressing it.
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